I am in Banda Aceh in the north of Sumatra, Indonesia. The biggest part of this city is new, rebuilt after the Tsunami came on the 26th of December 2004. It is easy to go around without witnessing its past. As an outsider I see a façade. The buildings don’t look so new. Everything looks normal.
My friends who work and live here take me behind the façade. It is a very big backstage. I get lost and hardly understand the signs on the walls, the reason of the curtains or the feelings the loud voices coming from high towers awaken among the many actors.
Aceh is a place recovering from a natural disaster and from an armed conflict. An enormous amount of money, foreign aid workers and compromises with Jakarta (Indonesia’s capital) have shaped today’s environment. Close to unbelievably beautiful beaches for example the Turkish constructed houses. They are basic simple and build in a structured order, marked with a Turkish flag. Many of them are empty. Lieselotte explains how some donors gave a house for every tsunami victim. Children, bachelors, widows, everybody got one house. Many Acehnese however don’t want to live near the sea anymore. Other areas were rebuilt by different donors. Different policies resulted in Tsunami victims who lost everything living in different houses than people who had some minor damages. Some Tsunami victims still haven’t received a new house while others who were not a victim (depending whose categorization you use) did. Clearly there were some misunderstandings with the lists of victims. The quality and size of the houses differ significantly and feed resentments.
A research revealed that the tsunami money was five times bigger than the Marshall help per capita. Often it is said that there is too much money here. The unemployment however is big and for sure things can be improved but ‘left-over’ donor money goes to ‘easy’ infrastructure projects or luxurious accommodation during NGO trainings. This is more a result of the stringent guidelines of donors than of the project implementers.
Banda Aceh is not an easy place. It is not an easy place to live neither to understand. The city is not half empty because former conflict refugees returned. Islamic oriented rules refrain people from saving money and leave them a choice between investing and donating to the poor. Alcohol is prohibited but marihuana is mixed in wedding dishes. Watching others and commanding respect through materialistic status symbols is activity number one among the ‘lazy’Acehnese. Employers who want a more reliable workforce hire Javanese.
The conflict goes back to the independence struggle against the Dutch, the discovery of oil and gas by Exxon Mobile, its ‘military protected’ profits going to Jakarta, a dictatorship oppressing freedom, including religious and cultural freedom and a lack of local leadership when the central power collapsed.
I can’t help it but thinking of Burma. When will the survivors have houses? Will this continuous disastrous attitude of the Junta lead to its collapse? Could the financial and reconstruction aid for the Nargis victims be handled better than the Tsunami money? Could it also provide homes for all those internally displaced people whose villages were burned by the military? Who will provide houses for all those million refugees living abroad? In Aceh evidence of human rights abuses was lost when Tsunami victims were dumped in previously existing mass graves. Will the Junta blame Nargis for all the poverty and abuses? Can the foreigners break through the wall? Will foreigners finally also know that a promise from the military regime doesn’t mean anything? When will the people of Burma know what is happening in their own country? When will my friends be free?
Wednesday, May 28, 2008
Monday, May 26, 2008
New Horizons
One month ago I left Mae Sot, I left the house of my Burmese friends, my brothers and sisters, and travelled non-stop to the south to cross into Malaysia on the day my visa expired. I arrived in Buttersworth where a man gave me two options: a train to Kuala Lumpur or a ferry to Penang. The latter brought me to Georgetown, the capital of the Island. I was back on the road without the daily delicious fresh Burmese food, the talks with my friends and their Burmese songs I so much loved. Four months had been about Burma and suddenly I found myself roaming through a totally new environment. Loud Indian music accompanied my stroll along the colorful sari shops and food stalls. Calls from the mosque, the strong smell of incense at the beautiful old Chinese temples and the Indians in their own unique clothes welcomed me in this peaceful multicultural country. I knew that also this time route indicators would become visible and along the way this country will show itself to me. I would leave again with a hunger to know more, with addresses and memories.
I stayed a few days in Georgetown before heading to a small fisherman village where I met Ahwy Lim, a Chinese-Malay in his forties. I spent 6 days on the fish farm his younger brother Amin rebuild after the Tsunami destroyed most of it in December 2004. It was my first time to see the remnants of this storm and to talk to its victims. It was exactly when cyclone Nargis hit Burma. Sai, 24 from Rangoon, lives also on the fish farm, earning money for his family in Burma with the water sport facilities Amin runs on Monkey beach. He has been hiding from the police both under the fish farm and in the jungle behind the beach. He left his family in 2005, speaks fluent Malay, plans to apply for a passport, to officially exchange his Buddhist believes to become a Muslim and marry a local girl he fell in love with. Or going back! His heart is torn. Only 5 days after the devastating storm he was able to contact his sister. Sai became part of the family Lim, just like me during that week. We would visit father Lim at his house near the harbour, 5 minutes by boat from our floating fish farm, who cooked for us the most delicious fish I have ever eaten. Also Ahwy has friends in Burma, in the northern Shan state. His Chinese-Malay friend runs a rubber plantation after he quit dealing in opium and amphetamines. Ahwy spent 7 years in jail and miraculously was not executed like his friends. Counselors have brought him from a very destructive and wrong path to who he is today, a kind man who knows and values life. We became good friends and talked for hours. He builds houses and refuses new offers of his mafia bosses. I woke up every morning witnessing amazing sunrises from my hammock on the fish farm, during the days I reflected. I was welcome to stay as long as I wanted but an Estonian friend in Singapore awaited me.
It’s late in the evening when I buy samosa ‘at the corner’ back in Georgetown; “Where do you come from? How old are you? What do you do tomorrow?” In Asia you get used to these questions, I answer with my usual: “No plans”. “Do you want to go for dinner tomorrow?” “Fine”. I met Kamal the next day at 20.00 ‘at the corner’. He takes me for Tandoori Chicken but doesn’t eat himself. Kamal is a skater who used to attend world competitions, he sells his fantasy drawings for local media and has just written a 400 pages thesis to get his master degree in sociology. A diploma that will give him a better position at the United Overseas Bank where he worked after his bachelor studies in business administration. His interest in politics and sociology on the other hand led to a meeting via his uncle to talk about a position as a university lecturer. Kamal had lost his girlfriend when he went for drinks on the Batak Ferringi beach. This was on December 26th in 2004. Another evening I ran into Kamal’s friends Darsh and Fadzil ‘at the corner’. We talk about religion, values, life and dreams. Darsh shows me the jewelry stall he runs every evening with a friend in front of the old Indian theatre. Many Asians make their living with many small things but Malaysia also has its shiny shopping centers, big roads and modern buildings which surprise me a lot. I went to the movies, which felt like home, found a Body Shop and realized I also finally had entered a space where our alphabet is used.
On the morning I set of for Singapore I meet Matt ‘at the corner’. Matt is Australian and we had spent some time together in February in Mae Sot. I delay my departure and we set off for a tour around the Island. We investigate the World War from Malaysian perspective at a museum and enjoy the tropical nature. Funny little world, “See you in Australia”, I shout.
Even after the theatre of wealth I saw in Penang I could not help it and stared at Singapore, its buildings, people, shops and attitudes. Annika, my Estonian friend who lives in this city state, and I talked and talked until we suddenly left for Sumatra, another new world, with new people, stories and views along the roads. We entered into the world of a group of young guys whose lives turn around lake Toba, fish, deep family roots, few tourists, frustrations, palm wine and dreams of Bali and education. Pung found us at the harbour in Parapat and brought us to Juan’s guesthouse. We were the only and first guests. Another place that was hard to leave.
With the help of Mardinal, an old man from the tourist information at Medan airport, I reached Banda Aceh where I met Lieselotte and Guido from the Netherlands. I know Lieselotte from a training on development in Prague in September 2005. Many things I hear, read or see I relate to Burma. I am interested in learning about the special autonomy Aceh got after the conflict ended with the tsunami and about Indonesia’s transition to democracy. At the same time news from my Burmese friends in jail and others hiding in the jungle, the suffering of the cyclone victims and the result of the referendum make me feel … I don’t know how to describe it. I am curious what Indonesia will show me more. My visa expires on the 15th of June. Yesterday for example we drank beer from a can that was covered with a coca cola can. I am in an extreme Islamic place under the rule of the sharia law, the locals however are not so fanatic as Jakarta told them to be.
I stayed a few days in Georgetown before heading to a small fisherman village where I met Ahwy Lim, a Chinese-Malay in his forties. I spent 6 days on the fish farm his younger brother Amin rebuild after the Tsunami destroyed most of it in December 2004. It was my first time to see the remnants of this storm and to talk to its victims. It was exactly when cyclone Nargis hit Burma. Sai, 24 from Rangoon, lives also on the fish farm, earning money for his family in Burma with the water sport facilities Amin runs on Monkey beach. He has been hiding from the police both under the fish farm and in the jungle behind the beach. He left his family in 2005, speaks fluent Malay, plans to apply for a passport, to officially exchange his Buddhist believes to become a Muslim and marry a local girl he fell in love with. Or going back! His heart is torn. Only 5 days after the devastating storm he was able to contact his sister. Sai became part of the family Lim, just like me during that week. We would visit father Lim at his house near the harbour, 5 minutes by boat from our floating fish farm, who cooked for us the most delicious fish I have ever eaten. Also Ahwy has friends in Burma, in the northern Shan state. His Chinese-Malay friend runs a rubber plantation after he quit dealing in opium and amphetamines. Ahwy spent 7 years in jail and miraculously was not executed like his friends. Counselors have brought him from a very destructive and wrong path to who he is today, a kind man who knows and values life. We became good friends and talked for hours. He builds houses and refuses new offers of his mafia bosses. I woke up every morning witnessing amazing sunrises from my hammock on the fish farm, during the days I reflected. I was welcome to stay as long as I wanted but an Estonian friend in Singapore awaited me.
It’s late in the evening when I buy samosa ‘at the corner’ back in Georgetown; “Where do you come from? How old are you? What do you do tomorrow?” In Asia you get used to these questions, I answer with my usual: “No plans”. “Do you want to go for dinner tomorrow?” “Fine”. I met Kamal the next day at 20.00 ‘at the corner’. He takes me for Tandoori Chicken but doesn’t eat himself. Kamal is a skater who used to attend world competitions, he sells his fantasy drawings for local media and has just written a 400 pages thesis to get his master degree in sociology. A diploma that will give him a better position at the United Overseas Bank where he worked after his bachelor studies in business administration. His interest in politics and sociology on the other hand led to a meeting via his uncle to talk about a position as a university lecturer. Kamal had lost his girlfriend when he went for drinks on the Batak Ferringi beach. This was on December 26th in 2004. Another evening I ran into Kamal’s friends Darsh and Fadzil ‘at the corner’. We talk about religion, values, life and dreams. Darsh shows me the jewelry stall he runs every evening with a friend in front of the old Indian theatre. Many Asians make their living with many small things but Malaysia also has its shiny shopping centers, big roads and modern buildings which surprise me a lot. I went to the movies, which felt like home, found a Body Shop and realized I also finally had entered a space where our alphabet is used.
On the morning I set of for Singapore I meet Matt ‘at the corner’. Matt is Australian and we had spent some time together in February in Mae Sot. I delay my departure and we set off for a tour around the Island. We investigate the World War from Malaysian perspective at a museum and enjoy the tropical nature. Funny little world, “See you in Australia”, I shout.
Even after the theatre of wealth I saw in Penang I could not help it and stared at Singapore, its buildings, people, shops and attitudes. Annika, my Estonian friend who lives in this city state, and I talked and talked until we suddenly left for Sumatra, another new world, with new people, stories and views along the roads. We entered into the world of a group of young guys whose lives turn around lake Toba, fish, deep family roots, few tourists, frustrations, palm wine and dreams of Bali and education. Pung found us at the harbour in Parapat and brought us to Juan’s guesthouse. We were the only and first guests. Another place that was hard to leave.
With the help of Mardinal, an old man from the tourist information at Medan airport, I reached Banda Aceh where I met Lieselotte and Guido from the Netherlands. I know Lieselotte from a training on development in Prague in September 2005. Many things I hear, read or see I relate to Burma. I am interested in learning about the special autonomy Aceh got after the conflict ended with the tsunami and about Indonesia’s transition to democracy. At the same time news from my Burmese friends in jail and others hiding in the jungle, the suffering of the cyclone victims and the result of the referendum make me feel … I don’t know how to describe it. I am curious what Indonesia will show me more. My visa expires on the 15th of June. Yesterday for example we drank beer from a can that was covered with a coca cola can. I am in an extreme Islamic place under the rule of the sharia law, the locals however are not so fanatic as Jakarta told them to be.
Monday, May 12, 2008
My friend arrested in Burma
Saturday evening one of my very good friends inside Burma was arrested by the SPDC (the brutal inhuman army). His dream to be free seems further than ever before. As one of the most active youth leaders in the region he was a hope for many, helping hundreds of young people with education. The latter is what the regime did not want him to do.
His friends don’t know what to do. We can only hope he stays alive.
I feel very sad
His friends don’t know what to do. We can only hope he stays alive.
I feel very sad
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Tragedies wake up the masses! Burma hit once more!
Please read more:
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/cyclonenargis.php
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/PDFs/Cyclone%20Nargis%20Update%2005%2005%202008.pdf
I am currently in Malaysia and everything is about FISH. (A story to be told later ...)
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/cyclonenargis.php
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/PDFs/Cyclone%20Nargis%20Update%2005%2005%202008.pdf
I am currently in Malaysia and everything is about FISH. (A story to be told later ...)
Friday, April 25, 2008
550 people in the jungle, 40 orphans and 10 young people thank you very much
My friends and family made it possible to support some of the Burmese people most in need. In Eastern Burma many people have fled to the jungle after threats or repressions of the military. Today I could hand over 165.000 Thai Baht or 3333 Euro to Saw Hla Henry, director of CIDKP, an organization that reaches out to those people. With your contribution they can buy enough rice for 550 people for one month.
When I went inside Burma I was able to donate 10.000 Thai Baht or 200 Euro to two orphanages I visited in the mountains. This small amount really means a lot for the children who have nothing more than a small cardboard box with some old clothes. They eat mostly only some rice and if lucky they have eggs.
Thirdly you connected at least 10 young ambitious people to the world and to their friends through bringing ADSL internet to the office of a youth organisation. I lived among them for one month in their house in Mae Sot, they live all without documents. It is a very dangerous and depressing situation but for many the only option to get education and stand up for peace and development. For 8000 Thai Baht or 160 Euro we connected 4 computers and can pay the connection fee for 8 months. This connection helps them to stay in touch with their communities and to send out vital news to and from their region. They daily improve their English and computer skills and discover the world which was closed to them for so long.
When I went inside Burma I was able to donate 10.000 Thai Baht or 200 Euro to two orphanages I visited in the mountains. This small amount really means a lot for the children who have nothing more than a small cardboard box with some old clothes. They eat mostly only some rice and if lucky they have eggs.
Thirdly you connected at least 10 young ambitious people to the world and to their friends through bringing ADSL internet to the office of a youth organisation. I lived among them for one month in their house in Mae Sot, they live all without documents. It is a very dangerous and depressing situation but for many the only option to get education and stand up for peace and development. For 8000 Thai Baht or 160 Euro we connected 4 computers and can pay the connection fee for 8 months. This connection helps them to stay in touch with their communities and to send out vital news to and from their region. They daily improve their English and computer skills and discover the world which was closed to them for so long.
THANK YOU VERY MUCH!!!
Tuesday, April 15, 2008
The Burmese referendum: a sheer example of manipulation
On May 10th Burma will decide whether to accept the continuation of the brutal military regime or take a risk and vote no during the referendum on the constitution. The proposed constitution is finally available for the public for 1 USD, for many unaffordable. The government also issued guidelines for the officers of the polling booths but up till today most of the people do not know how the voting will be organised.
Since the referendum was announced on February 9th, those no longer able to suppress their anger and disapproval of the regime started to deal with the difficult question of how to campaign in a country where this is absolutely prohibited. Since a few weeks people for example wear T-shirts with a big NO and a small smoking.
Most of the content of the draft constitution was known among the people but few had really read or analysed a previously available older version.
Some argue that having a constitution is better than having nothing. So this raises the question if once this proposal is accepted what can be changed? The final version states that any amendments would need the approval of all eligible voters. This effectively rules out any future changes to the constitution. The exclusion of all people who have ever been imprisoned from participation in political parties sheds a light on the promised democratic elections in 2010.
They continue to arrest whoever might be(come) a threat to the regime. For example Ko Aung Htun youth coordinator of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Thingangyun township, Rangoon, is held in an unknown place since April 1st. With more and more campaigns being launched together with the start of the Water Festival on April 13th, the celebration of the Buddhist New Year, the amount of arrests rises.
The military government and the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a kind of government-ngo with mostly involuntary members simultaneously reinforce their YES campaign. The referendum law does not allow prisoners to vote however information leaked from the Insein prison that prisoners will be released when they vote yes. In remote areas villagers are warned by armed soldiers for punishments like burning their houses and prosecution of their families when they don’t vote pro-junta. Students with bad results for their matriculation examinations can still pass through accepting a USDA membership and a promise to vote yes. A membership that anyway gives 16 extra points to students.
Next to the YES campaign and the crackdown of the NO campaigns the government uses more indirect measures and has carefully compiled the referendum law to enable them to manipulate the results.
The inhabitants of Rangoon and Magwe divisions for example complain about more power restrictions and have no electricity except for a few unexpected short moments. Access to Internet is easily reduced in this way. The printed media received strict instructions from the state censor board on how the referendum should be reported.
The organisation of the referendum has created a momentum for the people to raise their voices but it brings a lot of dangers! Some critics referred to the 1990 elections as a smart move of the government to identify and dismantle the opposition.
Campaigning goes together with obligatory registrations and restrictions. I also guess that it is probably not cheap. Trying to stay invisible under the eyes of Big Brother is anyway very difficult with the omnipresence of informers.
Also on the day of the referendum the people will have to take a risk. Most of the polling booths will only serve 1000 people and lists with the names of those who did not come, and as such did not vote in favour of the military junta, will be collected by the election commission. U Aung Htoo of the Burma Lawyer Council said the guidelines on the organization of the referendum were inadequate and would not ensure a fair vote. “The weak point of the handbook is that it doesn’t say how many people are allowed to vote in the referendum,” Polling booths having 10% extra ballot papers than the expected electorate is as such a potential dangerous rule.
As far as I know it is also still unknown what is the required minimum turn-out of the electorate in order for the result of the referendum to be considered valid.
The voting rolls will be made public at least seven days in advance. A very short time for people to find out if and where they have the right to vote. It might bring a lot of confusion as the referendum law is very vague about the registration of people on those voting rolls. Difficulties can be expected for those who don’t reside at their permanent address like students or migrant workers. Transportation to polling booths on the other hand, especially with recent rise in the fuel prices, is for many unaffordable. Government officials already told the media that they will have to vote at the office. Many people as such will be deprived of their right to vote.
Already since the beginning of the preparations of this referendum, actually starting in 1990, the process has been confusing and unfair. In the run-up to the referendum many people were able to obtain an identity card. In different regions in Burma I heard different prices ranging from 0,25 to 10 USD and people reported changes in their names and ethnicity. I visited a remote area were the people estimated that only 10% of the people managed to make an identity card and as such have a right to vote. Without any warning General Than E arrived in the beginning of March to the village and ordered the village heads of nine surrounding villages to mobilise their inhabitants to come the next day. For some village leaders this meant walking three hours in the night and many villagers could not leave their work on the farms the following day. Information about the referendum given was minimal. I guess in the areas out of government control, the liberated areas, even fewer people have a new identity card. Those issued before 1989 are not valid.
This referendum and the signs of manipulation make me look back what happened with the multi-party democracy general elections on May 27th 1990.
Several times I read that one of the reasons why the representatives elected in 1990 never convened the parliament was that a constitution needed to be approved first. I remain confused as the opposition claims that their right to convene the parliament in 1990 was violated and the military government announced new elections after the constitution is approved. In 1990 this next step of new elections was seemingly not announced.
In The New light of Myanmar, the English government newspaper of February 29th, the author refers to the government announcement 1/90 on July 27th 1990 stating clearly that the representatives elected by the people would be responsible for drawing a constitution and gaining the power according to this constitution. This announcement however came two months after the elections, won by the opposition (NLD). The author of the article does not remind its readers to this detail.
In the endnotes of the Legal Issues on Burma Journal, April 2004, I find information about the Peoples Assembly Election Law (No 14/89) published by the regime in May 1989, one year before the elections, stating that the parliament shall be formed with the representatives elected according to this law (art. 3).And during its 43rd news conference in June 1989 the military stated, “The elected representatives can form a government, and we will transfer power to the government formed by them”.
The above mentioned article in the New Light of Myanmar however states that everybody knew before the elections that the task of the elected representatives would only be to write a constitution. Furthermore the author says the NLD refused this task and refers as well to terrorist organisations, saboteurs and riots upon which the government took initiative in 1992 to draw the constitution. They finished this task after 16 years.
I haven’t found yet the Election Law of 1989!
A dutch version is available on the MO* website.
Since the referendum was announced on February 9th, those no longer able to suppress their anger and disapproval of the regime started to deal with the difficult question of how to campaign in a country where this is absolutely prohibited. Since a few weeks people for example wear T-shirts with a big NO and a small smoking.
Most of the content of the draft constitution was known among the people but few had really read or analysed a previously available older version.
Some argue that having a constitution is better than having nothing. So this raises the question if once this proposal is accepted what can be changed? The final version states that any amendments would need the approval of all eligible voters. This effectively rules out any future changes to the constitution. The exclusion of all people who have ever been imprisoned from participation in political parties sheds a light on the promised democratic elections in 2010.
They continue to arrest whoever might be(come) a threat to the regime. For example Ko Aung Htun youth coordinator of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Thingangyun township, Rangoon, is held in an unknown place since April 1st. With more and more campaigns being launched together with the start of the Water Festival on April 13th, the celebration of the Buddhist New Year, the amount of arrests rises.
The military government and the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a kind of government-ngo with mostly involuntary members simultaneously reinforce their YES campaign. The referendum law does not allow prisoners to vote however information leaked from the Insein prison that prisoners will be released when they vote yes. In remote areas villagers are warned by armed soldiers for punishments like burning their houses and prosecution of their families when they don’t vote pro-junta. Students with bad results for their matriculation examinations can still pass through accepting a USDA membership and a promise to vote yes. A membership that anyway gives 16 extra points to students.
Next to the YES campaign and the crackdown of the NO campaigns the government uses more indirect measures and has carefully compiled the referendum law to enable them to manipulate the results.
The inhabitants of Rangoon and Magwe divisions for example complain about more power restrictions and have no electricity except for a few unexpected short moments. Access to Internet is easily reduced in this way. The printed media received strict instructions from the state censor board on how the referendum should be reported.
The organisation of the referendum has created a momentum for the people to raise their voices but it brings a lot of dangers! Some critics referred to the 1990 elections as a smart move of the government to identify and dismantle the opposition.
Campaigning goes together with obligatory registrations and restrictions. I also guess that it is probably not cheap. Trying to stay invisible under the eyes of Big Brother is anyway very difficult with the omnipresence of informers.
Also on the day of the referendum the people will have to take a risk. Most of the polling booths will only serve 1000 people and lists with the names of those who did not come, and as such did not vote in favour of the military junta, will be collected by the election commission. U Aung Htoo of the Burma Lawyer Council said the guidelines on the organization of the referendum were inadequate and would not ensure a fair vote. “The weak point of the handbook is that it doesn’t say how many people are allowed to vote in the referendum,” Polling booths having 10% extra ballot papers than the expected electorate is as such a potential dangerous rule.
As far as I know it is also still unknown what is the required minimum turn-out of the electorate in order for the result of the referendum to be considered valid.
The voting rolls will be made public at least seven days in advance. A very short time for people to find out if and where they have the right to vote. It might bring a lot of confusion as the referendum law is very vague about the registration of people on those voting rolls. Difficulties can be expected for those who don’t reside at their permanent address like students or migrant workers. Transportation to polling booths on the other hand, especially with recent rise in the fuel prices, is for many unaffordable. Government officials already told the media that they will have to vote at the office. Many people as such will be deprived of their right to vote.
Already since the beginning of the preparations of this referendum, actually starting in 1990, the process has been confusing and unfair. In the run-up to the referendum many people were able to obtain an identity card. In different regions in Burma I heard different prices ranging from 0,25 to 10 USD and people reported changes in their names and ethnicity. I visited a remote area were the people estimated that only 10% of the people managed to make an identity card and as such have a right to vote. Without any warning General Than E arrived in the beginning of March to the village and ordered the village heads of nine surrounding villages to mobilise their inhabitants to come the next day. For some village leaders this meant walking three hours in the night and many villagers could not leave their work on the farms the following day. Information about the referendum given was minimal. I guess in the areas out of government control, the liberated areas, even fewer people have a new identity card. Those issued before 1989 are not valid.
This referendum and the signs of manipulation make me look back what happened with the multi-party democracy general elections on May 27th 1990.
Several times I read that one of the reasons why the representatives elected in 1990 never convened the parliament was that a constitution needed to be approved first. I remain confused as the opposition claims that their right to convene the parliament in 1990 was violated and the military government announced new elections after the constitution is approved. In 1990 this next step of new elections was seemingly not announced.
In The New light of Myanmar, the English government newspaper of February 29th, the author refers to the government announcement 1/90 on July 27th 1990 stating clearly that the representatives elected by the people would be responsible for drawing a constitution and gaining the power according to this constitution. This announcement however came two months after the elections, won by the opposition (NLD). The author of the article does not remind its readers to this detail.
In the endnotes of the Legal Issues on Burma Journal, April 2004, I find information about the Peoples Assembly Election Law (No 14/89) published by the regime in May 1989, one year before the elections, stating that the parliament shall be formed with the representatives elected according to this law (art. 3).And during its 43rd news conference in June 1989 the military stated, “The elected representatives can form a government, and we will transfer power to the government formed by them”.
The above mentioned article in the New Light of Myanmar however states that everybody knew before the elections that the task of the elected representatives would only be to write a constitution. Furthermore the author says the NLD refused this task and refers as well to terrorist organisations, saboteurs and riots upon which the government took initiative in 1992 to draw the constitution. They finished this task after 16 years.
I haven’t found yet the Election Law of 1989!
A dutch version is available on the MO* website.
Saturday, April 12, 2008
Mae Sot’s street rebels
Armed gangs of youngsters drive through the streets in their pick ups. You can’t pass any of the many new checkpoints along the roads without being stopped and facing their one policy for all in the name of ‘protection against the enemy’. People are powerless and prepare themselves by putting their belongings in plastic bags. The enemy attacks have reached new heights so the rebel’s interference, even when mobilizing many children, is justified and accepted by the people. Umbrellas no longer protect us from the heat so the water attacks launched from guns and buckets are ‘refreshingly’ welcome. The Water Festival has started!
This morning after waking up very early for the fourth day in a row with the sound of Thai music and speeches I discovered the ‘sound device’ attached to an electricity pole eight meters away from my window. I hope it is related to the festival which will end on Wednesday!
Later today six new people arrived to our house and bring the news that one of my friends from inside will marry soon, likely this means partly giving up her freedom. I still hope one day she can become a minister. But Burma will have to change a lot and very fast for this to be socially and politically possible.
This morning after waking up very early for the fourth day in a row with the sound of Thai music and speeches I discovered the ‘sound device’ attached to an electricity pole eight meters away from my window. I hope it is related to the festival which will end on Wednesday!
Later today six new people arrived to our house and bring the news that one of my friends from inside will marry soon, likely this means partly giving up her freedom. I still hope one day she can become a minister. But Burma will have to change a lot and very fast for this to be socially and politically possible.
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