'Going inside'

The first time since I left Europe in the beginning of July I take an airplane. Even with only one hour flying the difference between the place of departure, the busy brand new Bangkok airport, and the place of arrival being the almost empty airport in Yangon (Myanmar/Burma) is huge. Only a couple of minutes before landing I saw asphalt roads and a few cars. I spoke with more than sixty people, whose real names I don’t include for security reasons, and I am enormously grateful for their effort and support to show me their country, lives and for taking me to places foreigners normally cannot go.

One of the hardest things for me about Myanmar is to measure the hope and assess the fear and danger among the people living under a cruel dictatorship.

Secondly I still do not know how to call this land. I asked many but most people inside seem to use Myanmar instead of Burma used by outside support groups. Burma is the name given by the British and strongly related to the name of majority of ethnic Burmans, and their language Burmese. Myanmar, literally meaning ‘quick strong’, is the name chosen by an illegal brutal military government disliked by most of the citizens, however more inclusive according to some members of the minorities. Equally confusing is that people define themselves as being ‘Myanmar’ but easily use words like Burmese food or Burmese army. Forgive me to use both.

Gambari and Sue visit Yangon

Before I wonder why the people did not move and why the police gathered near Sule Pagoda in the centre of Yangon (former Rangoon) I hear the name Gambari, the United Nations envoy for Myanmar. Soon some pick-ups with armed soldiers and a black car pass by after which the passers-by resumed their doings without showing any feelings.

“He comes and goes without bringing hope for the people” said the two priests I spoke on 5th of March. Next evening sister Cecilia, showing me the newspaper The New Light of Myanmar, says: “Gambari is here but no news about the content of the discussions, just a picture and the shedule of his meetings”. Some others tell me there is a rumour or a joke that he received some rubies.

In my hotel there is again no Internet connection. “Because of Gambari” the staff and clients whisper. The country’s two Internet servers are controlled by the military government. Access to the world wide web is scarce, especially outside the big cities, the connection sometimes (often) does not work or is extremely slow and if you manage to open your mailbox you are warned about ‘spies’ watching what you read and what you send through the servers. I do have access to the BBC TV-news reporting that Gambari is accused of being biased and of conspiring with Aung San Suu Kyi. The Generals also informed Gambari that no changes would be made to the proposed (unpublished) constitution.

The majority of the population in Myanmar struggles daily to survive and does not question politics to openly, exactly what the military regime wants. But those who had, often abroad, access to ‘higher’ and ‘more free’ education are very concerned about the plight of the people. “We try to inform the people about issues like AIDS, human trafficking but also about the dangers of the proposed constitution. But it is difficult, the people don’t understand” said the Sister. The Priests and Sisters emphasised their (obligatory) non-political role but they do share the wish for change.

The proposed constitution equals the prolongation of the military dominance for example by reserving 25% of parliamentary seats for the army. Opposition- and minority groups have little hope to get representatives elected due to regulations for establishing political parties and also Aung San Suu Kyi is excluded because of her marriage with a foreigner. The military government, The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), warned the people in The New Light of Myanmar of March 5th that a 100% democracy is not possible and refers to the United States of America were the Black did not have the right to vote until 200 years after independence. Restrictions ought not to be questioned! As such there is no right to vote in the upcoming referendum for members of religious orders. In the words of the referendum law encompassing: Buddhist monks, novices, religious laymen and nuns and in the case of Christians, persons who have been recognized and ordained or assigned duties by the relevant Churches as an individual who has dedicated himself mainly to serving the Christian religious order, persons included in the group of individuals or organization which of their own volition have submitted to the control of the respective head according to the religion professed as organized by religious discipline or vow; in case of Hindus, Sanyazi, Mahant or Hindu priest. I wonder if a widow voluntarily living and helping at the convent is deprived of her right to vote or how a Buddhist religious layman is identified.

The people mostly speculate about the way the referendum will be organized and some mention forced mass demonstrations. The Referendum Law for the Approval of the Draft Constitution (3,5 pages) was however published in the newspaper of February 27th in Burmese and February 28th in English. Repeatedly people told me newspapers are no longer read because “too many lies”. Unfortunately some activists miss out on some useful information this way. It is for example also possible to purchase a preliminary version of the constitution published in September 2007 in Burmese for 350 kyats (20 euro cent), a fact only known by a few. But it is true that the no final version, neither the date of the referendum or the list of who is allowed to caste their vote at which polling booth area is made public. It is also unknown what will be the amount of casted votes to declare the referendum eligible. The Referendum Law is confusing enough to deprive people of their right to vote and the responsible commissions will be formed by the SPDC and will exist of the necessary amount of suitable citizens. After the referendum the Commission will have a list of those people who did cast their vote, postponing the referendum is easily possible as is replacing members of the commissions.

There is a lack of public debate and citizens can only discuss secretly the content of the constitution. Criticism can be punished with imprisonment up to three years. The owner of an Internet cafe was forced to close his business because he allowed clients to print a ‘political’ document. The government anyway causes enormous disruptions for people to communicate by controlling and shutting down the Internet and access to electricity. During and after the September protests also mobile phone connections were cut off.

The demonstrations in August and September and the short international media attention gave hope but simultaneously increased both anger and fear. The ‘silent’ activists remain realistic: “We know no country will interfere without served self-interest and we know we still have a long way ahead”. The people have no way how to protect themselves from the guns of the army but they crave for change. Opposition- and student leaders are almost all arrested or killed and everything is dangerous not only for the people directly involved but for family and neighbours as well. People told me about the shared desire expressed by the applause given in theatres and the mumbling in the tea shops. The latter I would witness many times across Myanmar. I spoke about new demonstrations, involvement from foreign countries and international organisations and about splits in the army. Nobody knows what will happen tomorrow but expectations for ‘something’ increase with an approaching Thingyan Water Festival in the middle of April, a referendum in May and with the 20th anniversary of the ‘second struggle for independence’ on 08.08.2008, strangely coinciding with the opening of the Olympic Games in China, the main supporter of the oppressive regime.

Non-violence remains the wish of the people but the military government has repeatedly made clear not to be willing to hand over the power. “They are soldiers, they fight till they die”, my friend said followed by a painful silence filled with despair.

This post was also published in Dutch on the website of the Belgian magazine MO*.