Internal struggles

Regardless of the slogans used by all sides (government, political opposition groups or even the Mae Tao clinic in Mae Sot) stating to be United in Diversity, I noticed a strong emphasis on differences in ethnic background and religion coinciding unfortunately with a lot of strong statements and judgements.
Discrimination seems to run through all levels of the society. Karen government teachers gave up their jobs facing unfair lack of any chance to be promoted compared to their colleagues. A Muslim man with his five year old son tells me he is a retired government official. I later read that the members of the Muslim minority are excluded from living and working in the new capital Naypyidaw, literally meaning royal bellies. Also in Yangon the few Muslim schools can only be found at the outskirts. My trishaw driver in Mandalay described a job interview as starting (and ending) with the question about the profession of his father. And the bilingual (Burmese/Chinese) schools in Myanmar only allow Chinese descendants. Of course the biggest difference remains between those who have money and those who don't, between those who wear the uniform and those who don't.

Many people in Myanmar feel very inferior but similarly always seem to find another group to pity and speak bad about. Being shy is considered (teached) to be polite and asking questions is discouraged. In an environment where one is socially and brutally oppressed from expressing ones opinion and feelings or where being different and breaking social codes, traditions or norms is not accepted, the toughest struggle is not the one for food but the internal one. Dreams, hopes and traumas are kept in mind and hearts.

Other struggles take place within an among the many opposition groups. Some are without doubt aroused by the SPDC in the framework of its divide and rule policy inherited from the British. These struggles however are far less secret than the internal distrust existing within the SPDC. The biggest and by some also expressed as the only hope for the people is exactly a fatal or self-destroying split in the army. The dictator himself Than Shwe is over seventy and very ill. Other top leaders are already fighting among each who will take over. Signs of fear and disagreement were also visible when three years ago they put the former prime minister who was a bit too progressive under house arrest. While the top of the military is losing its unity due to greed and mismanagement, simple soldiers go through hardships that might soon be too much for them. Most of them did not become a soldier out of free will. My trishaw-driver in Mandalay told me how the soldiers approach young village boys upon arrival to the city , mostly in search of work, with two choices: the army or prison. Family would find out maybe three years later what happened to their son. Once in the army one cant leave legally without passing through prison for at least three years. Soldiers farm, sleep in houses sometimes worse then those in the refugee camps and don't have great food or equipment. But they do have guns and are still better off than many of their fellow countrymen. The recent atrocities against the monks were also intolerable for many Buddhist soldiers and increased oppressed anger. Some escape while for example five soldiers recently choose the camp of an armed opposition group, the KNU (Karen National Union), due to injustice among the soldiers.

'Going inside'

The first time since I left Europe in the beginning of July I take an airplane. Even with only one hour flying the difference between the place of departure, the busy brand new Bangkok airport, and the place of arrival being the almost empty airport in Yangon (Myanmar/Burma) is huge. Only a couple of minutes before landing I saw asphalt roads and a few cars. I spoke with more than sixty people, whose real names I don’t include for security reasons, and I am enormously grateful for their effort and support to show me their country, lives and for taking me to places foreigners normally cannot go.

One of the hardest things for me about Myanmar is to measure the hope and assess the fear and danger among the people living under a cruel dictatorship.

Secondly I still do not know how to call this land. I asked many but most people inside seem to use Myanmar instead of Burma used by outside support groups. Burma is the name given by the British and strongly related to the name of majority of ethnic Burmans, and their language Burmese. Myanmar, literally meaning ‘quick strong’, is the name chosen by an illegal brutal military government disliked by most of the citizens, however more inclusive according to some members of the minorities. Equally confusing is that people define themselves as being ‘Myanmar’ but easily use words like Burmese food or Burmese army. Forgive me to use both.

Gambari and Sue visit Yangon

Before I wonder why the people did not move and why the police gathered near Sule Pagoda in the centre of Yangon (former Rangoon) I hear the name Gambari, the United Nations envoy for Myanmar. Soon some pick-ups with armed soldiers and a black car pass by after which the passers-by resumed their doings without showing any feelings.

“He comes and goes without bringing hope for the people” said the two priests I spoke on 5th of March. Next evening sister Cecilia, showing me the newspaper The New Light of Myanmar, says: “Gambari is here but no news about the content of the discussions, just a picture and the shedule of his meetings”. Some others tell me there is a rumour or a joke that he received some rubies.

In my hotel there is again no Internet connection. “Because of Gambari” the staff and clients whisper. The country’s two Internet servers are controlled by the military government. Access to the world wide web is scarce, especially outside the big cities, the connection sometimes (often) does not work or is extremely slow and if you manage to open your mailbox you are warned about ‘spies’ watching what you read and what you send through the servers. I do have access to the BBC TV-news reporting that Gambari is accused of being biased and of conspiring with Aung San Suu Kyi. The Generals also informed Gambari that no changes would be made to the proposed (unpublished) constitution.

The majority of the population in Myanmar struggles daily to survive and does not question politics to openly, exactly what the military regime wants. But those who had, often abroad, access to ‘higher’ and ‘more free’ education are very concerned about the plight of the people. “We try to inform the people about issues like AIDS, human trafficking but also about the dangers of the proposed constitution. But it is difficult, the people don’t understand” said the Sister. The Priests and Sisters emphasised their (obligatory) non-political role but they do share the wish for change.

The proposed constitution equals the prolongation of the military dominance for example by reserving 25% of parliamentary seats for the army. Opposition- and minority groups have little hope to get representatives elected due to regulations for establishing political parties and also Aung San Suu Kyi is excluded because of her marriage with a foreigner. The military government, The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), warned the people in The New Light of Myanmar of March 5th that a 100% democracy is not possible and refers to the United States of America were the Black did not have the right to vote until 200 years after independence. Restrictions ought not to be questioned! As such there is no right to vote in the upcoming referendum for members of religious orders. In the words of the referendum law encompassing: Buddhist monks, novices, religious laymen and nuns and in the case of Christians, persons who have been recognized and ordained or assigned duties by the relevant Churches as an individual who has dedicated himself mainly to serving the Christian religious order, persons included in the group of individuals or organization which of their own volition have submitted to the control of the respective head according to the religion professed as organized by religious discipline or vow; in case of Hindus, Sanyazi, Mahant or Hindu priest. I wonder if a widow voluntarily living and helping at the convent is deprived of her right to vote or how a Buddhist religious layman is identified.

The people mostly speculate about the way the referendum will be organized and some mention forced mass demonstrations. The Referendum Law for the Approval of the Draft Constitution (3,5 pages) was however published in the newspaper of February 27th in Burmese and February 28th in English. Repeatedly people told me newspapers are no longer read because “too many lies”. Unfortunately some activists miss out on some useful information this way. It is for example also possible to purchase a preliminary version of the constitution published in September 2007 in Burmese for 350 kyats (20 euro cent), a fact only known by a few. But it is true that the no final version, neither the date of the referendum or the list of who is allowed to caste their vote at which polling booth area is made public. It is also unknown what will be the amount of casted votes to declare the referendum eligible. The Referendum Law is confusing enough to deprive people of their right to vote and the responsible commissions will be formed by the SPDC and will exist of the necessary amount of suitable citizens. After the referendum the Commission will have a list of those people who did cast their vote, postponing the referendum is easily possible as is replacing members of the commissions.

There is a lack of public debate and citizens can only discuss secretly the content of the constitution. Criticism can be punished with imprisonment up to three years. The owner of an Internet cafe was forced to close his business because he allowed clients to print a ‘political’ document. The government anyway causes enormous disruptions for people to communicate by controlling and shutting down the Internet and access to electricity. During and after the September protests also mobile phone connections were cut off.

The demonstrations in August and September and the short international media attention gave hope but simultaneously increased both anger and fear. The ‘silent’ activists remain realistic: “We know no country will interfere without served self-interest and we know we still have a long way ahead”. The people have no way how to protect themselves from the guns of the army but they crave for change. Opposition- and student leaders are almost all arrested or killed and everything is dangerous not only for the people directly involved but for family and neighbours as well. People told me about the shared desire expressed by the applause given in theatres and the mumbling in the tea shops. The latter I would witness many times across Myanmar. I spoke about new demonstrations, involvement from foreign countries and international organisations and about splits in the army. Nobody knows what will happen tomorrow but expectations for ‘something’ increase with an approaching Thingyan Water Festival in the middle of April, a referendum in May and with the 20th anniversary of the ‘second struggle for independence’ on 08.08.2008, strangely coinciding with the opening of the Olympic Games in China, the main supporter of the oppressive regime.

Non-violence remains the wish of the people but the military government has repeatedly made clear not to be willing to hand over the power. “They are soldiers, they fight till they die”, my friend said followed by a painful silence filled with despair.

This post was also published in Dutch on the website of the Belgian magazine MO*.

Old news from border town Mae Sot, a prologue to my Birma trip!

The new Rambo movie, in the cinema’s across Europe since January but not in Thailand, is widely discussed. Sylvester Stallone is fighting and killing enemies in the area across the Salween river which marks the border here between Thailand and Myanmar! In the long lasting conflict of the Karen minority he fights against the Burmese army. Reviews on the Internet do not really link the movie with the reality. A reality that is not less cruel but maybe not that ‘Hollywoodish’. The real Burma does not have a saving hero yet! Some activists welcome the fact that this movie does bring attention to the situation.

On Valentine’s Day the leader of the Karen National Union is murdered in his house. Later in the evening the police stop passers-by on the main road to hand out roses! Padoh Mahn Sha was a wise and good man and he represented hope to many. I met him and his daughter during my visit with the Burma Campaign UK in January. A US Congressman, Joe Pitts, in a statement said the assassination should draw world attention to the ongoing persecution of the Karen and other ethnic minorities by the Burma regime. "For too long, the plight of the people of Burma has either been ignored or discussed ad nauseam with little or no action on behalf of the people," said Pitts.

The world attention, if going to Burma at all, went instead to the news announced on February 9th about an upcoming referendum on the new constitution in May 2008 and a promise for general elections in 2010.

When a regime guilty of genocide and oppression of opposition groups and citizens is regains credibility among the international community due to this announcement, I believe it only shows how irresponsible the creditor is. Only somebody who consciously chooses to believe words instead of looking at the deeds and extensive proof can be so foolish to believe a liar.

As for the word-game the military junta became a winner. With the US, Canada, Australia and the European Union threatening with new sanctions without visible improvements the generals answered timely, and possible upon the advice of China, with the next step in their seven-road-map to democracy, a step that took more than ten years. They declared: “We have been successful in bringing peace and stability to the country and are ready for a transition to democracy”.

In reality the proposed constitution ensures the continuation of military rule with 25% of the parliamentary seats reserved for appointed officers and veto powers for decisions of the parliament. The proposal is not meant to be discussed and criticism may lead to imprisonment. Arrests of activists have not stopped and ethnic cleansing increases in Eastern Burma. The popular belief is that the military will anyway find a way to win the referendum.

The European Council reacted to the announcement on the 18th of February with deep concern and demands for the release of all political prisoners, an open dialogue and respect for human rights. The Council stated that only with full participation of the opposition and minority groups, stability and reconciliation can be reached. Determined to assist the people of Burma the EU said to be ready to review, amend or reinforce its measures in the light of the developments. The EU will review its common position on Burma in April.

Here in Mae Sot the border was closed for illegal crossings on Wednesday 20th after an explosion at a waste dump. Later on order in town was maintained by a ban on drinking and buying alcohol in the light of local elections from February 23rd to 25th. The ban existed only on paper. The daily random arrests of Burmese people continued. The Thai police would keep them in a big cage, receive money from Bangkok meant to feed them and send them with sometimes false declarations of the immigration office across the border into the arms of the Burmese military. A Thai police officer told me about their duty to pay for visiting high officials, including the costs of the prostitutes, being a heavy burden on their small salaries.

At the end of the month my friend asked me to visit his country, I would meet his friends soon and the journey would be meaningful.

Hometown: Mae Sot

“It would be nice if I can go to the waste dump today” Manou said to me this morning sharing our breakfast and morning coffee. Manou had been there before to play with the children in the Sky Blue school which is basically located on the waste dump, a place where some 200 Burmese refugees try to survive. When she calls to Hannah, another Farang, to arrange a new meeting the answer is: “After the bomb explosion on 24th of February foreigners no longer go there”.

Mae Sot is a special place, a crossroads of cultures. Never before I faced so much suffering but also never before I felt such courage, endurance and friendship. I live here now since one month after my five day visit with the delegation in January.

“Everyday is an adventure” is what Black Town, a Burmese friend told me. I can say the same but our adventures are very different. Black Town is here illegal; he works for the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People (CIDKP), every time he leaves his room he is afraid to be arrested, possibly leading to an unhappy ending. For me the adventures are the stories I hear everyday and even more the meetings I have. These adventures open my eyes to the world. Mae Sot is maybe the best school I ever attended. I was never more aware of the luck accompanying me already 28 years. I never felt my freedom so deep inside. Often I am frustrated because I want big changes. However everyday I see the benefit of small things like talking to youngsters or editing an English document and smile again. I learn so much!

Yesterday I drove with my bicycle towards a big red evening sun, I pass a clothe shop where the lady smiles at me. The aerobic lesson is about to start but I tell her I don’t join tonight “I have a meeting”. I wanted to meet with the sun so it was not a real lie I told myself. Two minutes later I stop at Joe’s little house. Joe works everyday with his old sewing machine he brought to live again five years ago. Saying hello and smiling to Joe became my favorite part of my trip to the other side of town where I work. One day I brought him the pants I ruined with the chain of a bike in Burma. We became friends. Yesterday he said something about dinner. “Yes, let’s go” I said, “I have no plans”. His friend Em passes and recommends us to take the motorbike and drive up the mountain to the lake. A beautiful evening with the silence of nature, the red sky and the burning fields. I was at the Lake Manou and I tried to find on Sunday but with the help of the nice people from what we call ‘the nice-people-internet-place’ we ended up at a swimming pool. “Yes, with nature” they had said. Joe had repaired my pants very nice and asked 0,20 euro, the rent of his house is 16 euro a month. Most of the days he does not earn the minimum wage which is about 3 euro in Thailand.

The smiles are plenty here and each one has its own story. The woman selling every evening some fruits or nuts which she carries on her head, the man from a very small bike repair shop/eating place who I asked for help already five times. As a Farang you receive many smiles and I often wonder what would happen if people in Europe would smile to all those who look a bit different.

I feel at home in Mae Sot.

Excuse me, where can I find the number of The International Community?

My friend, a refugee from Burma in Mae Sot told me about the Belgian arms he saw being used in the jungle. Even before talking about the 'involvement' of other countries in Burma I think one should admit that the oppressive dictatorship with it's unlimited human rights abuses is a concern and responsibility of all nations and people how far away Burma they physically might be.

Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan called on governments to take the responsibility to protect when it comes to people suffering from avoidable catastrophe -mass murder and rape, ethnic cleansing by forcible expulsion and terror, and deliberate starvation and exposure to disease. He mentions that there is a growing acceptance that while sovereign governments have the primary responsibility to protect their own citizens from such catastrophes, when they are unable or unwilling to do so responsibility should be taken up by the wider international community. This would involve prevention, response to violence, if necessary, and rebuilding societies.

I remember my professor recalling the quote of Henry Kissinger "Who do I call if I want to call Europe?" Did the people of Burma call to the wrong 'International Community' for more then 40 years?

In Belgium the call was responded for example with statements of Karel De Gucht at the UN General Assembly: "The recent demonstrations show the degree of impatience of the population. These demonstrations should finally incite the government to initiate an inclusive dialogue with a view to restore democracy in Myanmar. Use of violence will not be tolerated." A call to the people of Burma to resolve their own problems?

No Belgium has done more since the crisis began (talking about August -September 2007). It has taken steps at the European, international (UN) and regional levels. Foreign Minister Karel De Gucht was very clear about this: "Right from the outset, Belgium stressed the importance of the EU swiftly assuming an active role. The EU has had a system of sanctions in place against the regime in Burma since 1996. In the light of recent events, Belgium forcefully advocated that those sanctions be extended and new ones imposed. However, these sanctions mustn't impact negatively on the population of Burma or adversely affect the humanitarian situation".

Internationally Belgium has urged that the matter be debated at a special meeting of the UN Security Council which took place on second of October 2007. Furthermore Belgium expressed support to the mission undertaken by the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari and actively helped to draft the statement by the Presidency of the UN Security Council that called on the regime to release Burma's political prisoners and confirm the need to launch a truly inclusive political process, especially with Aung San Suu Kyi.

The EU did respond with stronger sanctions against Burma including a longer list of people not allowed to enter the EU, a freeze of assets, and an extension of the ban on investments in Burmese state-owned companies. The EU prohibits the export to Burma of equipment and technology destined for enterprises engaged in logging, timber and the mining of metals and minerals, precious or semi-precious stones, as well as related technical and financial assistance. It also prohibits the import into the Community of round logs, timber and timber products, metals and minerals, as well as precious and semi-precious stones. Moreover, new investments in enterprises in Burma that are engaged in these industries are prohibited as well. The existing sanctions in place since October 1996 include bans on provision of non-humanitarian aid, arms sales, high-level meetings between EU and Burma officials and entry visas for members of the junta.

The US has quite similar sanctions; some also influence for example simple tourists by banning the import of almost all goods from Burma into the United States. This ban includes Burmese-origin products such as gifts, souvenirs, and items for personal use, even if carried in personal luggage.

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) did not answer the calls before 2006! Lately it tried with a draft resolution calling on Burma to release all political prisoners, begin widespread dialogue and end its military attacks and human rights abuses against ethnic minorities. The resolution was blocked on January 12th 2007 by a veto from Russia and China.
More recently on January 17th 2008 the UNSC has come up with a statement that Burma's military rulers had done too little to meet demands (non-binding and toned down by China) it laid out in October for release of political prisoners and a genuine dialogue with the opposition following a crackdown on protesters.

Unfortunately all these 'wordily' efforts have been pretty much in vain! And Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK is probably right when saying that sanctions haven't been tried yet.

The Generals do not like to travel much anyway, imports via third countries are not banned by the EU, and the weapons from Belgium are in Burma. But more important the sanctions are not worldwide! China, Thailand and India are Burma's mayor trade partners. Countries that are happy not to compete with Western investors! China also remains clear in its position towards UN measures. It does not support sanctions and will not pressure the Junta. Like Russia, China beliefs the issue should not be dealt with by the Security Council and that the problems are internal affairs. "The Burma issue should be fundamentally and properly resolved with the efforts of Burma's government and people themselves and through consultation," said Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao in October.

The role of China is widely discussed. While the 'West' hopes to pressure the ASEAN countries the ASEAN leaders themselves just hope the situation in Burma will stabilise and that the Military Junta would change a bit or at least release political prisoners so they can show their human rights friendly masks.
Trade between China and Burma increased significantly in 2007. China became Burma's second largest trading partner due to a new deep friendship and geographical links according to Tang Hai, economic and commercial counselor of the Chinese Embassy in Burma.
On the question of the role of China a member of the NCUB (National Council of the Union of Burma) answered similarly that China has interest in stability to ensure economic profit but no interest in regime change unless it is a pro-Chinese one. The relationship is however not that friendly as commonly thought. The generals are as suspicious of the Chinese as the Chinese are of 'western' influence in the region. China is also supporting the opposition and as such seems to apply a divide and rule approach. As for the NCUB, they want to be pro-Burma! That China is not sure yet about its political position towards its neighbour is also expressed by Bertil Lintner. He says a shift of power among the Generals in Burma might influence bilateral relationships.

In terms of bloody economical arms deals not only China but also Russia, India, Singapore, North Korea, Serbia and Ukraine are to blame. Those arms sales may be widely criticized for helping the regime stay in power, but they don't clearly violate any laws, treaties or international agreements according a Swedish research. Organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch therefore call for a comprehensive international arms embargo. Amnesty reports as well how the EU embargo fails to prevent European arms components being incorporated in military equipment sold by Ukraine. The Ukrainian government seems to have forgotten how it got the power. I can't believe the people of the Orange revolution do not support their brothers and sisters in their Saffron revolution for democracy.

Several analysts also point to the strategic importance of Burma both for China and India who wish to have a mayor influence. Dr. Tin Swe, elected Member of Parliament living in exile, blames Indian politicians of lacking the will to join hands with the West on human rights and democracy issues. What both countries do not lack is their interest in Burma's energy resources. The same hunger can be found in France. French oil giant TOTAL Oil is the fourth largest oil company in the world and one of the biggest foreign investors in Burma. It is in a joint venture with Burma’s dictatorship in the Yadana gas project in southern Burma. The gas project, started in 1992, earns the regime hundreds of millions of dollars every year. It is said that these dollars helped to reinstall the power of the military regime after the demonstrations in 1988 and the following national elections which it lost. Sarkozy did call on its private companies to show greatest restraint in their investments in Burma and not to make new ones. The EU sanctions seem not to have real power! And France is not the only one. Germany might with Merkel show a genuine interest in human rights but that does not mean it refrains from investing in Burma. Head of a German business delegation to Burma in 2006 does not disguise German interest in Burma: “We all have to respect political issues and political guidelines. But on the other hand, this is for us to investigate and make up our mind about economic potentials. Therefore we are here. What we find here is interesting and we see business potential,” he said.

Within the world's political domain, the West holds positions of power as well as key economic positions. In practice, the combination of these two factors periodically lead to the former being used to maintain the latter. We should not neglect this when looking at it's - at first sight at least - undoubtedly noble aim: to help bring peace and prosperity to the world.

More diplomacy, more global public actions, real measures and more support are needed!

The people of Burma are waiting for a real answer of The International Community!

PS: I choose to use consequently Burma instead of Myanmar even when using quotes not to confuse the reader. Different sources however use either Burma or Myanmar or both like the EU. I prefer not to use the name invented by the Military Junta.

In Thailand I found Burma

The first thing I found in Thailand was a book about Aung San Suu Kyi. Reading in the nights on my way to Bangkok I was still unaware that I would meet some of the people I read about.

Last week I joined a delegation led by Burma Campaign UK on a field trip to the border area in northern Thailand. What I saw, heard and and learned is impossible to forget. When we approached a new camp of internally displaced people on the Burmese side of the Salaween river on 15th of January I felt I was going somewhere, a one way trip bound to mark my soul.

Border tourism
Here in Chiang Mai too many tourist agencies also offer trips. "Long Neck & Elephant Riding" you read on their pamphlets. Or you get to see "Long Ears" but the Long Necks are especially popular. Far away from here you might think it is another exotic animal to ride. Unfortunately you did not guess too wrong. I haven't seen them myself but according to what the tour-sellers tell me it is a visit to a Karen tribe village where you pay an entrance fee of 5.50 euro. The fee is of course for the benefit of the village. Yes, sorry we are not talking about animals but about hill tribes that still live in the past (poor living conditions) and managed to preserve their cultures! The tourist agencies and guesthouses aim to please tourists who are interested in experiencing real traditional cultures. Tourists though can not be that ignorant and think they will ride a "Long Neck". Postcards sold or pictures trying to attract possible trip-buyers show the Karen women with their necks chained and as such prolonged to 20 or 30 cm. A rarity!

Lonely Planet offers a bit more information and gives answers most the tour-vendors could not. "If you pay an entrance fee, does it mean the village is closed? Who collects the fees and for what use?" One tour operator told me: "It is like a Zoo but especially Japanese and Koreans like it. The fee is collected by a Thai organisation but they give rice to the people." According to her you even pay 11 euro if you visit individually. In an older version of Lonely Planet you read that those Karen people have arrived here from Burma 14 years ago. The 2007 version is more realistic. Speaking of Padaung refugees, Padaung being a subgroup of the Karen, whose custom to wear brass rings was dying out but got reinvigorated by money from tourism. No evidence that this deformation damages their health. The business is controlled by the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), an insurgent group wanting to establish an independent state in eastern Burma. The women receive a small portion of the fees but also get income from selling handicrafts. As such the Thai authorities speak of Nai Soi, the biggest village, as a self-sustaining refugee camp and the fees are actually collected by the nice sounding 'Karenni Culture Department'.
What about responsible tourism? It is always a debate with arguments pro and contra. You can for example find some listed here.
An Australian article however gives some other sides of the stories of the villages. A refugee camp is like a prison. Everything is controlled and it is really hard to get an exit permission shows the story of a young girl who is not allowed to go to New Zealand. The article speaks about problems with refugee status and about resettlement to third countries by UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees). This brings me to my own experiences when I visited two camps on Burmese soil (IDP camps -internally displaced people is the term used to describe people who flee to another place but remain inside the country) and Mae La refugee camp in Thailand.

Seeking refuge
Refugees, emigrants and immigrants are often subject of intense debates and victims of tough times with bureaucracies. It is for those people that basic human rights and freedom are out of reach. People like you and me who just want to live. People who have done nothing wrong!

For two hours we went upstream the Salaween. Nature and a few people on both the Thai and the Burma shore. The Thai border post let us pass as 'missionaries'. Only one group of 'true' missionaries had visited the new IDP camp before to set up the school. It was the first time journalists or members of parliament arrived. The camp is hidden in the hills and exists of nothing else than some bamboo huts. The area is small and most houses are build on the slopes. There is hardly space for new huts but Saw Peter who provides the camp with as much help he can tells us about 70 more people on the way currently stuck in the jungle. He and his friends already look for more places to provide shelter for his fellow countrymen. The camp is not safe from attacks by the Burmese government forces (Tatmadaw). Saw Peter was proud to mention that they now have two boats to escape if needed. Insufficient of course. This camp has nothing. Everything has to come with the same long boat trip we did. But for all the people fleeing the brutal ethnic cleansing of the government this camp is the best option among bad options. The Thai authorities closed the borders already long ago. Many of those who manage to cross the border are repatriated via Mae Sot to Mawlamyine or to the IDP camps in Burma. For the IDP's there is no official registration as refugee by UNHCR, no access to basic health care, almost no access to food or clean water. Just a few hours before we arrived one woman had given birth in her hut without any assistance other then her husband. With the child in her arms she stood with grace and smiled. The school, a big bamboo hut was filled with children between 5 and 16. An old man an a young woman who had never been teachers before gave advice on health. The 400 people living here had travelled for weeks through the jungle after their villages had been attacked by the military. Their lives being the only thing they could save loosing ill and loved ones along the tough road. The hospital is an empty bamboo hut visited from time to time by health care workers from across the border. The people receive food aid, meaning small portions of rice, fish paste, beans, cooking oil and salt. This is what Burmese refugees eat for years, every day. Except from what they find in the forest or the little they can grow they are fully dependent on foreign aid. Saw Peter had to tell us that unfortunately the food aid will be reduced after March. The rice is too expensive. There is not enough money! For many more people hiding in the jungle support arrives only seldom. Saw Hla Henry, the Secretary of the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People, shows me his current funding applications. They explain the causes of the food shortages: attacks by the Burma army, forced relocations, forced labour, etc.. The part describing the distribution of the relief assistance mentions trips taking four to six weeks. With the money he asks they will buy rice in a nearby township. The problem he explains is that he hardly can get the funds and every week his team finds new people in need of help.

Being a Backpacker in Burma
Seeing so much suffering moves you more then words and images quickly passing in newspapers and on television. But also the courage of people taking care of each other in places where the government simply does the opposite is breathtaking! The situation in eastern Burma is one of Chronic Emergency, the title of a report of the Back Packers Medical Health Team (BPHWT). I refer to the words of professional journalists for the reasons. The people I met from the BPHWT walk for weeks through the dangerous jungle filled with landmines and soldiers to bring some basic medicine to the displaced people. On our question if they cross the Thai-Burma border illegally they smile and say:"No, it is legal! We go to our own villages. The government of Burma is illegal!" The group laughs.

More thoughts on politics, the international community and foreign aid are upcoming ...

Next DESTINy nATION

When I woke up at the quiet bank of the Nam Song on December 28th neither my time in Laos or my time with Ed were set. I smiled when I met Ed in the middle of the river around 11.00. "I found good bamboo". We had the plan to build a bamboo raft but as plans often seem to do it failed. When Ed was cutting the long and strong bamboo the locals protested. Nowadays with topographical maps being a rarity we looked for bamboo (or uninhabited land) on Google Earth. But the raft lost it's status as an aim when I found a letter from my Estonian friends: "Tallinn-Helsinki-Bangkok 11th of January 2008 Reservation Confirmed". I had received a new destination. I was only a night bus away from Bangkok so much time remained free.
It was the first of January when I felt an urge to walk. Ed did not so I left alone. I stopped in the book-exchange-shop to get a book of Herman Hesse I had an eye on. The book unfortunately was no longer there so I finally grabbed A Fortune Teller Told Me. Soon I would discover the value of having this book at that time. On page sixteen it quotes Herman Hesse's Siddharta I missed out on, the story kind of starts in Laos on the first of January in 1993 and gives me the information about Indochina I unconsciously was longing for. Later I would also find out that Wong had told me about the author on the farm in Japan. Tiziano Terzani was already in my notebooks.
Walking alone the regained freedom gave me an enormous feeling of joy while my companionship with Ed became part of my good memories. On my first day of walking I did not reach further then the end of the village where I found a place in a wooden cabin among the rice fields and buffalo's. The next day my feet brought me to a quiet place near the river and a small village. After sunset my fire was the only light I saw. Some locals had passed, smiled and given me something to eat. Fear comes only with the knowledge of danger. Six men including one who mastered some English came to speak to me about enemies and they extinguished my fire. For my safety they insisted I would sleep in the village or in their homes. For most of the people of the village I was the first foreigner they saw. Only once another man had passed in this little place maybe only ten kilometers away from Vang Vieng, a tourist place. Dinner was served on a small table on the cold concrete floor. The family of the English speaking man and I would eat the sticky rice and Lao vegetables with our hands watched carefully by at least forty curious eyes. The head of the village however called the 'tourist police division' who decided I could not stay. "Foreigners not allowed." They brought me back to Vang Vieng. I catched up with Ed and left again for Vientiane two days later.
There at the bank of the Mekong another great sunset made me wonder about sunsets and the conditions needed to make them so beautiful. Only hours later I would realise that I was looking for the first time at Thailand, my destination.
The only bridge to the other country was nearby but I decided to cross more south. I found my way as the only foreigner in local bus stations, exchanged some food with the bus driver and slept in Thabok, a bit out of Vientiane and then drove one more day through Laos along the Mekong. I made it to Thahek with five free rides and the help of my new hitchhiking cards. In the early evening I crossed the brown river on a simple boat and was warmly welcomed in Thailand. Leaving Laos behind me but knowing that I will be back one day. I found a man who tuned my guitar, bought a biography of Aung San Suu Kyi that seemed to be waiting for me on the table of a cosy coffee place and enjoyed the steetlife of Nakhon Phanom, a small Thai town.